Introduction
Civilisation rests on shared meaning. When words lose their precision, so too does our ability to reason, debate, and govern justly. Today, language is being deliberately distorted—not by accident or evolution, but by ideological design. Core terms such as "genocide" have been stretched beyond their legal and historical definitions, wielded as rhetorical weapons to provoke outrage, enforce orthodoxy, and obscure nuance. This corruption of language is not just a misuse of vocabulary; it is a frontal assault on the intellectual foundation of liberal democracy.
To manipulate language is to manipulate thought. What begins as semantic slippage soon metastasizes into conceptual confusion, eroding the standards by which truth is judged and justice is pursued. This is not mere academic concern—it has real-world consequences. Once the language of law, morality, and identity is severed from objective anchors, every political dispute becomes a battle of narratives, immune to evidence. In such a climate, reason is powerless, and only those who control the terms of debate retain power.
Feature Article
The Weaponisation of Language
Language is the backbone of civilisation. It allows ideas to be communicated, debated, refined, and passed on. Without clarity in language, there is no clarity in thought. Yet in recent decades, a deliberate and politically motivated manipulation of language has taken root, led predominantly by ideological movements favouring socialism and identity-based grievance politics. Words with precise historical and legal meaning have been twisted beyond recognition for political gain. Among the most egregiously abused terms is "genocide."
To understand the consequences of this manipulation, one must first recognize that altering the meaning of core terms is not merely sloppy language—it is strategic. George Orwell warned of this in 1984, where "newspeak" was engineered to limit the range of thought. When words are bent to mean anything, they come to mean nothing. Worse, they become tools of deception. In this climate, moral outrage replaces factual investigation, and emotionalism trumps legal precision. "Genocide" now risks becoming such a term.
But this is not seeing faces in the wallpaper, because in classical philosophy, language is not just a tool of expression—it is the medium of thought itself. Aristotle held that thought and speech are interwoven, a view echoed centuries later by Wittgenstein, who wrote, “The limits of my language mean the limits of my world.” When language is deliberately distorted, it is not merely communication that suffers—it is the very capacity to reason. To corrupt language is to disrupt thought; to destabilize thought is to unravel the moral and political frameworks that depend on it. We have experienced this before. Contemporary examples are staggering and follow.
In the aftermath of Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and others swiftly labelled Russian actions in cities like Bucha and Mariupol as genocide. Various Western leaders and media outlets echoed this. However, both cities have large populations of ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking Ukrainians—undermining claims of ethnically motivated destruction. War crimes have been reported, such as civilian executions and indiscriminate shelling. Still, these do not automatically meet the legal threshold for genocide, which requires proven intent to destroy a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. Meanwhile, allegations of misconduct by Ukrainian forces—including summary executions and mistreatment of prisoners—receive scant international attention. The asymmetry in scrutiny and language application is stark.
In Canada, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) concluded in 2015 that the residential school system constituted "cultural genocide"—the eradication of Indigenous languages, customs, and family structures. The phrase itself is not recognised in international law. Nevertheless, in 2019, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG) escalated the rhetoric, accusing Canada of ongoing genocide. This charge was not based on evidence of mass killings or coordinated extermination, but on structural inequalities, historical neglect, and social marginalisation. The term was used to advance a political narrative, not to reflect legal precision. Legal experts, including Kent Roach and Erna Paris, criticised this usage as rhetorical overreach that risks trivialising actual genocide.
In Xinjiang, China’s treatment of Uyghur Muslims has been condemned by multiple Western governments as genocide. Supporting evidence includes the operation of internment camps, mass surveillance, coerced sterilisation, and efforts to suppress Uyghur culture and religion. Chinese government documents reference reducing Uyghur birth rates as part of anti-extremism measures, and leaked speeches include language encouraging ideological cleansing. However, mass executions are absent, and some population data show Uyghur numbers grew until around 2015. The core legal barrier remains the absence of a clear, demonstrable intent to destroy the Uyghurs as a group. International legal bodies such as the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) have not confirmed the genocide label. The term has instead been politically wielded in geopolitical rivalry, particularly by the United States.
In Nagorno-Karabakh, following Azerbaijan's 2023 military campaign to reclaim the breakaway region, nearly the entire ethnic Armenian population fled. Armenian leaders accused Azerbaijan of genocide, citing humanitarian blockades, cultural erasure, and psychological intimidation. While these acts may constitute ethnic cleansing or violations of international humanitarian law, there were no verified mass killings or direct evidence of intent to destroy Armenians as a group. Azerbaijan maintained that its actions were focused on restoring territorial control, not targeting ethnic Armenians. Independent observers from Human Rights Watch and the United Nations confirmed humanitarian issues but did not conclude genocide occurred. Once again, the accusation appeared more tactical than evidentiary.
In Gaza, following Hamas’s October 7, 2023 massacre of Israeli civilians, Israel initiated a prolonged military campaign to eliminate Hamas. Accusations of genocide against Israel followed almost immediately, culminating in a case filed by South Africa at the International Court of Justice (ICJ). High civilian casualties and the destruction of infrastructure were cited as evidence. However, Israel's stated goal remains the dismantling of Hamas, not the destruction of the Palestinian people. Precautionary measures, including evacuation orders and coordination of aid deliveries, have been documented. Simultaneously, Hamas continues to embed itself within civilian areas and openly promotes a doctrine of eliminating Jews and the State of Israel—an unambiguous genocidal intent rarely acknowledged in formal terms. The selective application of the term reflects a broader political alignment rather than a consistent moral or legal standard.
The misuse of the term "genocide" is not accidental. It is a deliberate act, tied to a broader ideological strategy. Political actors, particularly from socialist, postmodernist, and critical theory traditions, recognise the power of language to redefine social and moral order. By distorting terminology, they undermine liberal democratic values and the legal standards that sustain them. This extends beyond "genocide" to terms like "colonialism," now used exclusively to condemn Western societies while ignoring universal historical conquest; "discrimination," redefined to excuse any prejudice against majority groups; and "equity," which has displaced equality in order to justify new hierarchies of privilege.
This is not a quest for truth, but a power struggle. Language is being reshaped to serve revolutionary ends—a slow, calculated effort to erode the pillars of Western civilisation. The aim is to bring the system down through rhetorical sabotage, with the illusion that the architects of this ideological upheaval will rise from the rubble like phoenixes, triumphant and unscathed. But history tells a different story. Revolutions often destroy their own engineers—both literally and ideologically. The French Revolution gave way to the Reign of Terror; Maximilien Robespierre, one of its chief architects, was eventually guillotined by the very system he helped create. The Russian Revolution produced Stalinism; Leon Trotsky, a leading figure in the movement, was assassinated in exile by Stalin’s agents, a victim of the regime he had once helped to build. Mao’s Cultural Revolution turned on its originators. History confirms this cycle of ideological cannibalism. As detailed in "Unhumans: The Secret History of Communist Revolutions" by Jack Posobiec and Josh Lisec, the ideological framework behind these movements is inherently self-destructive. The book explores how language manipulation and ideological purity tests eventually lead to purges and betrayals, often targeting the very people who instigated the upheaval. The quote, 'it is what they do,' encapsulates the thesis that these revolutions predictably devour their own, not by accident but as a feature of the ideological machinery itself. Ideological purges are not surgical; they are chaotic.
Those who believe they can manipulate meaning to orchestrate a new moral order are playing with forces beyond their control. Once truth becomes subjective and language becomes fluid, no one is safe from reinterpretation, denunciation, or erasure. Every misuse of a term like "genocide" does not merely insult past atrocities; it weakens the legal, moral, and societal consensus that helps prevent future ones.
This is a war on meaning. It is a war fought not with armies but with vocabulary. The casualties are truth, trust, and the shared framework that allows civilisation to function. Our very grip on reality is being attacked. Precision in language is not pedantry. It is the foundation of reasoned discourse, legal accountability, and moral clarity.
The antidote is vigilance. Every citizen has a role in defending language from ideological decay. We must demand rigour in how terms are used, insist on evidence before judgment, and resist the pull of emotionalism over logic. If we fail, we will not merely lose control of language—we will lose the civilisation built upon it. In such a world, no one can be safe. For when language loses its moorings in truth, the gulags are not far behind.
By: Alan Aubut